#EndSars narratives

You wouldn’t recognise the cause at the last count from where it began. The agitation kicked-started three weeks back as an iconic movement of Nigerian youths protesting police brutality against citizens and seeking the disbandment of the notoriously cruel Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS). By the time it ran aground, it had morphed into wantonly vengeful violence and racy criminality as arsonists ran riot, torching private and public assets they had marked out. In a number of cases, hoodlums lynched security personnel perceived as adversaries in a manner reminiscent of arbitrary immolations of alleged witches during the protestant renaissance of the Middle Ages. It was youthful venom unleashed as never seen before in this country’s history. But the upheaval also bore clear markings of a class revolt – with warehouses of government, public utilities and treasure stores of private personages looted and vandalised by impoverished masses who seemed to be exacting a pound of flesh from the privileged ruling class and overly comfortable elite.

Nothing at all justified the reign of brigandage. But it must be noted that the agitation was not headed up by brigands, only that reason took flight when hoodlums took over. The #EndSars movement began as non-violent street processions and location sit-ins by enlightened youths, featuring festal sidebars like musical and theatrical concerts, communal feasting and other mutually bonding activities. Though largely leaderless, the movement raised contributions and openly accounted for expenditures – offering teachable moments to the governing class on accountable management of public resources. They were visionary enough to float an online radio in support of their cause.  There was as well a good dose of compassion, such that protesters speedily crowd-sourced huge sums to provide fellow protesters living with disability with prosthetic aids. In other words, the movement showcased potentials you almost never knew existed in this nationhood. The cause got traction from celebrities who pitched in on ground and in the social media space, making the issue trend globally and attracting support far beyond Nigeria’s borders. The protesters sat in on the doorsteps of people of power and held candlelight vigils to signpost their staying power, but never assaulted their reluctant hosts or adopt aggression as their communication mode. In places, they adopted ‘prayer warfare’ as battle strategy, which was why some religious leaders physically participated or openly gave moral backing to the cause.

These potentials and the youthful energy that propelled them offered a great resource to be harnessed for nation-building. But primordial factors got in the way. There were sufficient indications, for instance, that the #EndSars advocacy was not a nationwide consensus. State governors from the North did not hide their preference for SARS being retained even though they avowed support for police reforms, thus they directly or dispositionally motivated counter-advocacy by citizen groups. Not that they should be blamed, considering the Boko Haram insurgency and other security challenges bedeviling the region. After SARS was ordered scrapped by President Muhammadu Buhari, Borno State Governor Babagana Zulum garlanded former state SARS commander with honours medal to underscore appreciation of the squad’s services; and Zamfara State Governor Bello Matawalle was reported soliciting that personnel of the disbanded SARS be assigned to his state. Even First Lady Aisha Buhari symbolically weighed in on the conversation by posting a picture of the President in a parley with security chiefs on twitter, with a pithic message translating as ‘Help the people’ while a musical rendition bemoaning North’s security challenges aired in the background.

Way down South, governors showed much more tolerance for the #EndSars protests. But it was somewhat presumptuous for anyone to assume a nationally applicable objective could be accomplished by street protests within a diverse and multilateral context like Nigeria. Protests carried through in 1993 because there was a common objective: to confront the military after they invalidated a poll on which there was clear national consensus. Sadly, there wasn’t such consensus in the #EndSars case. It got more hazardous when the agitation was willfully prolonged, as when protesters upscaled their demands on government from redressing police brutality issues to good governance and leadership accountability issues. You could bet something was primed to give when protesters dug in on the streets after spurning the scrapping of SARS; their resolve instigated survival plotting it the governing class that poisoned the well of agitation.    

Not surprisingly, matters began taking a sour turn. Hoodlums came into the picture and unleashed attacks on peaceful protesters as well as citizens who showed sympathy for their cause. They blocked highways in many locations, creating gridlocks and disabling economic and other activities while inflicting bodily harm on members of the public. In Edo State, they struck at two correctional centres and freed about 2,000 inmates, while torching some police posts for good measure. They set vehicles of peaceful protesters ablaze in Lagos, Abuja and Kano among other acts wanton violence against the society. How the hoodlums came about is itself in contention: there were visual clips – at least, from Abuja – suggesting they were enlisted and transported by operatives of some government security services. Even if not so, eye witnesses reported that security personnel did not show sufficient enthusiasm to intercept these hoodlums as could have preserved the ‘res’ of agitation. Meanwhile, the hoodlums pushed peaceful protesters to the background as state governments contagiously rolled out curfew regimes to contain the festering security challenge.

‘President Buhari’s speech only decreed the peace, it has not produced a truce’

It was the curfew in Lagos that provided the ambience for the Lekki toll gate shootings of 20th October, 2020 – ‘ambience,’ because it’s been argued that the shootings occurred before 9p.m. that the curfew had been rescheduled to take effect. The issue of fatalities from those shootings may be in dispute, what isn’t in dispute is that uniformed agents fired at sitting-duck protesters armed with nothing but Nigeria’s national flag. The military are widely held – and portrayed in visual clips – to be responsible for the shootings, but Defence authorities have denied this accusation and suggested that perpetrators could be impostors. Both the Lagos government and military authorities have instituted inquiries; they will be held to making the outcomes public because the Nigerian public and indeed the international community are keen to have the culprits unmasked and brought to justice. Even then, there are disturbing indications of a disconnect within government, contrary to what outsiders assume for coordination in crisis situation. The Lekki incident was acutely alarming and grievous that many thought Mr. President, as Nigeria’s chief security officer and armed forces commander-in-chief, ordinarily would have debriefed Lagos Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, as chief security officer of the state affected, on the heels of the shootings. Curiously, more than 48 hours after, Mr. Governor on Thursday said he thus far had been unable to speak directly with the President. In a live appearance on Arise TV, Sanwo-Olu stated that he had only spoken with Chief of Defence Staff Gen. Abayomi Olonisakin and Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant-Gen. Tukur Buratai.  So, how does crisis coordination within government work, you would ask.

Following the Lekki toll gate shooting there was an eruption of citizen anger – this time, also arrowheaded by hoodlums. There was an arson spree affecting public and private assets, including media houses like The Nation newspapers. More police establishments were set ablaze and security personnel lynched, the hallowed palace of the Oba of Lagos was looted as the monarch was being ferried to safety, warehouses of government were stormed in Lagos, Osun, Plateau and Cross River states and food items carted away among other acts of vandalisation. Calls by stakeholders, including federal legislators, on President Buhari to speak up over the entire issue reached a crescendo; while senior citizens weighed in with counsel, like Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka who advised government to dialogue. When the President eventually addressed the nation on Thursday night, his statement was coldly insular and fell short of the requirement for national healing.

Truth is, President Buhari’s speech only decreed the peace, it has not produced a truce. Youth anger is yet simmering, and the coming weeks and months must be devoted to wooing back this critical demographic sector for national wellbeing.