Donors’ wars

Even with the crushing effects of Covid-19 on humanity, Nigeria has not lacked in shiny spots of large-heartedness embodied by personal and corporate givers who take out from their abundance to help other citizens wade through and ultimately overcome the ravages of the pandemic. Whatever may be underlying self-interested motivations (if there are) for their munificence, these givers are voluntary agents who could have chosen to look after their own narrow conveniences; that they rather exert themselves on others’ wellbeing is noble and dictates that they be appreciated for the altruism amidst deluging distress.

Donors are nevertheless humans and not angels, and they have their own petty battles as played out last week within the Coalition Against Covid-19 (CACOVID), a private sector task force superintended by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to pool financial, technical and operational resources in aid of Nigeria’s efforts to fight the pandemic. During the first wave of Covid-19 pandemic last year, CACOVID was in the forefront of providing palliatives for Nigerians that later became a scandal because much of the materials were warehoused by governments rather than be administered to distressed citizens – from indications, with the consent of CACOVID which came up to explain that the materials were warehoused because of bureaucratic procedures that delayed procurement of other component items of the palliatives. In the wake of the #EndSars protests late last year, many of those warehouses were broken into by Nigerians who claimed they were simply appropriating what was theirs.

Currently, CACOVID is into efforts to secure Covid-19 vaccines for Nigeria. Amidst the high ruinations of the pandemic’s second wave across the world, countries have been scrambling for vaccines touted as the panacea for tackling down the virus. The international system of late has been dominated by vaccine nationalism whereby different countries scramble to secure doses needed for their own citizens, with scant concern for citizens of other countries. Because there is global demand that far outstrips the capacity of vaccine producers, the World Health Organisation (WHO) on a number of occasions had cause to remonstrate that rich nations were stacking up the vaccines for themselves and marginalising developing nations. In effect, every opportunity to access the vaccines comes compelling for the marginalised countries. It was such an opportunity that recently opened up for Nigeria, but a row within CACOVID dogged the country’s heels on how to proceed with appropriating the chance.

A member of CACOVID’s steering committee and major business conglomerate, the BUA Group, announced last Monday that it had paid for one million doses of AstraZeneca Covid-19 vaccines for Nigeria through the Afreximbank’s vaccine programme in partnership with CACOVID. According to the group, the doses, which would be the first delivery to Nigeria since Covid-19 vaccines became available, will arrive in the country within two weeks and  will be administered free to citizens. A statement quoted BUA Founder Abdulsamad Rabiu saying: “BUA decided to secure these one million vaccines by paying the full amount today (8th February) because they became available only last week through Afrexim…In addition to this, BUA is committing to purchasing five million doses for Nigeria as soon as they become available through this same arrangement.” He thanked Afreximbank President Benedict Oramah for making the procurement possible and CBN Governor Godwin Emefiele for coordinating the process through CACOVID private sector partnership.

But is soon became obvious that all was not well with the donor fold, as its operations committee issued a swift rejoinder dismissing BUA’s claim of singlehanded purchase of one million vaccine doses as “not factual.” The committee added that CACOVID operates a collegiate fund contribution model and there’s been no agreement between BUA, CACOVID and Afreximbank. According to the statement, CACOVID held its weekly call on 8th February where CBN Governor Emefiele relayed to the larger group a call that he had alongside business mogul Aliko Dangote and frontline banker Herbert Wigwe with Afreximbank’s Oramah a day earlier – that is, 7th February. During that call, Oramah reportedly briefed the three CACOVID leaders on a $2billion facility the bank has set up with the African Union vaccine taskforce to procure vaccines for the continent. Nigeria’s share is capped at 42million doses and Oramah explained that one million doses were ready for shipment to the country within two weeks if a down payment was made by the day following that call. “At today’s (8th February) meeting, CACOVID leadership agreed to contribute $100million to procure vaccines for Nigeria, these one million doses from Afreximbank worth $3.45million, being the very first tranche. CACOVID will purchase vaccines through other credible and subsidised mechanisms such as COVAX,” the statement further said, adding: “CACOVID would like the Nigerian public to understand that vaccine purchase is only possible through the Federal Government of Nigeria, and that no individual or company can purchase vaccines directly from any legitimate and recognised manufacturer.” 

BUA swiftly issued a counter-rejoinder in which it accused CACOVID of playing politics with Nigerian lives. It argued that at the 8th February meeting of the steering committee, members were informed by Emefiele that the group had opportunity through Afrexim platform to secure one million doses provided payment was made immediately, and failing which the opportunity to get the vaccines by this week might be lost. “After extensive deliberations, there was no agreement reached and despite members being offered the opportunity to donate funds towards procuring the doses, none offered. BUA then took it upon itself to offer to pay for the one million doses at the agreed rate of US$3.45 per dose totalling US$3,450,000.00, which translates to 1.311billion Naira,” the statement said, adding that the money was processed for remittance to Afreximbank on CACOVID’s behalf. Stressing that it took the initiative in Nigeria’s interest and to ensure that the deadline was met, BUA further said: “We will like to state clearly that we are aware that a prominent member of CACOVID is not happy that BUA took the initiative to pay for the vaccines – fulfilling our pledge just as we said during the meeting. Now they want to scuttle it by this action because they were unable to take the initiative.”

“(CACOVID and vaccines): Public interest must be an overriding consideration for adopted approaches – including cutting the red tape.”

By its established method of operation, solo actions are not CACOVID’s favourite style, neither is a member running loose to claim individual credit for purported group actions. By doing these, BUA could not but be at odds with the collective, and that by itself could have informed its repudiation by CACOVID operations committee. But then, the larger group is famed for tortuous decision-making and paralysing bureaucracy – even the 8th February meeting, from all the accounts, suffered this tendency. And BUA was right in feeling compelled to cut the red tape towards securing the vaccines for Nigeria. Its motivations for appropriating individual credit thereafter might be questionable, but bottom line is: it locked down the doses for Nigeria at its own expense, and for that reason it should be applauded and condoned. After all, if you shell out N1.3billion of your money for others not directly your responsibility and you want it publicised, why shouldn’t you be tolerated?  Public interest must be an overriding consideration for adopted approaches – including cutting the red tape.

Beyond methods and public interest, however, there is an elephant in CACOVID’s room namely the long-standing rivalry between Abdulsamad Rabiu and Aliko Dangote. The two tycoons are locked in stiff competition in many enterprise sectors, and this might be finding vicarious vent even in donor-oriented CACOVID. Only in September 2020, for instance, Rabiu signed off a technology licensing deal with France’s largest hydrocarbons group for BUA’s integrated refinery and petrochemical facility expected to go operational by 2024 in Akwa Ibom State. This is against the backdrop of Dangote’s 650,000 barrels-per-day refinery kicking off in Lagos this year. Among others, there is also the rivalry in cement sector that has pitched the two industrialists in fierce legal tussle over ownership of mining sites. CACOVID’s challenge is to keep its fold focused on shared concern for public and national interest to remain a relevant collective.