Power play in Senegal

It was former New York Governor, Mario Cuomo, who coined the phrase, “You campaign in poetry, but govern in prose.” He used the metaphoric expression to describe how electioneering requires idealistic and elevated rhetoric (poetry), whereas the actual business of governance involves grappling with tough choices grounded in grueling day-to-day realities (prose). Political leadership in Senegal has come full circle from the poetry of electioneering to the prose of governance. That country’s experience signposts the curse on godfatherism in African politics.

Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and former Prime Minister, now Speaker of the national parliament, Ousmane Sonko, used to be longtime allies with a strong bromance that carried the day in the country’s 2024 presidential election. They were both held in prison on charges widely perceived to be political, and were released by ex-President Macky Sall on equally political amnesty just 10 days before the court-ordered poll. They worked together in the Patriots of Senegal for Work, Ethics and Fraternity (Pastef), a party founded by Sonko with the goal of seizing power, and both rode the storm of persecution by Sall’s administration. 

Sonko was intensely popular as an opposition leader and was primed to win the 2024 election, but was barred from running as candidate owing to a defamation conviction. He tapped Faye to run in his stead and they campaigned together on the slogan “Sonko is Diomaye, Diomaye is Sonko.”  That is to say, Sonko was a political godfather who ceded the platform to Faye only because of a legal inhibition on his own candidature. They jointly campaigned, promising to fight corruption and prioritise national economic and sovereign interests above foreign-dictated imperatives. Although a newcomer to presidential politics, Faye, now 46 years old, won the poll largely on Sonko’s electoral capital. Upon taking office, he swiftly named Sonko prime minister.

Now, things have fallen apart with their alliance and the center no longer holds. Two years down the line, Faye has fired Sonko from the prime ministership, with Sonko subsequently emerging as parliamentary speaker positioned for a tussle with Faye. The scenario portends a tangled process of governance for the West African democracy. Sonko’s dismissal was announced on national television on Friday, 22nd May, following more than a year of tension that had brewed between the two ex-allies and came to a head in the week preceding Sonko’s dismissal. 

For several months, disagreement between the two men at the top of Senegal’s government became so palpable that many in Dakar wagered on their inevitable split. The only questions were how it would happen – whether through resignation or dismissal of the combative premier – and when. The split came as Senegal faces mounting economic pressure. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) recently froze a $1.8billion lending plan for the country following the discovery of misreported debt hidden by the previous government, which pushed the country’s end-2024 debt level to 132 percent of its economic output. The size of Senegal’s public debt has been a source of major friction, with Faye seen as being more receptive than Sonko to belt-tightening demands by the IMF. 

The road to parting of ways by the two men was long drawn and incrementally paved. Indications of tension emerged early 2025 when Faye restructured a presidential coalition group with his own points man as leader, rather than the coordinator posted by the party platform. The party challenged the move by building a parallel structure, thus opening an organisational rift within the ruling camp. The administration’s support base gradually crystalised around two separate poles: while Faye consolidated support within the coalition formed during 2024 electioneering, Sonko rallied allies around the party’s parallel platform. This dual power structure increasingly shaped political and institutional dynamics in Senegalese leadership, with diverging positions emerging within the executive branch.

In July 2025, Sonko publicly called for a tougher disposition in government and criticised certain internal orientations. President Faye tamped down tension at the time by insisting there was no open conflict, and stressing the need to preserve cohesion within the executive arm. Despite those efforts, however, divisions persisted and became increasingly visible in the months that followed.

“In African politics, Nigeria not being an exception, godfatherism never works”

Early last month, Faye publicly reiterated his constitutional powers as president over the appointment and dismissal of the prime minister, against a backdrop of internal friction and shifting political alliances. The final rupture came after Sonko’s appearance during a parliamentary question time penultimate Friday, when he openly disagreed with the president over the management of political funds. Hours later, an official statement announced his dismissal, along with the dissolution of the entire government he led. In a comment posted on social media, Sonko took the dismissal in stride. “Alhamdoulillah. Tonight I will sleep with a light heart,” he said.

It didn’t take long for the sacked prime minister to stage a political comeback that locates him in potential opposition to President Faye. Last Monday, 26th May, he was elected speaker of the national parliament in which his party, Pastef, holds majority seats. The parliament’s previous speaker stepped down a day earlier to make way for the sacked prime minister. For his part, Faye appointed a career economist to replace Sonko as prime minister. As an opposition MP, Sonko was renowned for fiercely challenging former President Sall’s policies, hence turbulent times lay ahead if he reenacts the role under Faye.

Sonko had said his dismissal as prime minister did not mean his pollical career was over. In his inaugural speech as parliamentary speaker, he said he would not use his new position “to fight against anyone,” but instead ensure that parliament acts in the best interest of Senegalese citizens. “What is at stake is the relationship between morality and politics,” he noted.

In his new role as national assembly speaker – the second highest political office in the country – Sonko could limit Faye’s ability to manoeuvre by withholding parliamentary assent to his policies. Under Senegalese law, the president cannot dissolve parliament until at least two years after the last election, meaning that any move to dissolve the assembly before November, this year, would be invalid. And even if the assembly is dissolved in November, it will be a tall order for Faye to muster support independent of his erstwhile political base, namely Pastef, sufficiently to upend the dominance of that base in the parliament. In other words, he effectively may have become a lame duck president without Sonko’s support.

The rift between Faye and Sonko raises uncertainty about the political future of the debt-challenged country. Fifty-one-year-old Sonko commands huge following across the country, especially among young people who constitute more than half of Senegal’s 18million voter population, and within his party. “Pastef remains open to responsible discussion that sets aside egos to complete this term in the best possible conditions,” he said of ties with the executive arm going forward.

Differences between Faye and Sonko centred on economic strategy, debt management and distribution of political power. The two leaders clashed over how to handle Senegal’s severe debt crisis: Sonko strongly opposed IMF-style debt restructuring and resisted hiking fuel price, advocating strict national sovereignty. For his part, Faye showed willingness to negotiate with international lenders to stabilise the economy.

There was as well disagreement on leadership style. Sonko publicly accused Faye of weak leadership, lacking assertiveness and failing to support him against criticisms. Conversely, Faye accused Sonko of “excessive personalisation” of power and undermining presidential authority. As for ruling coalition politics, Sonko resisted non-loyal allies gaining influence in the house that he built, whereas Faye as president wanted to push his own personal loyalists into reckoning. Now, Faye may need an alternative platform as Pastef recoils into opposition under Sonko.

Senegal’s economy is the biggest victim of this personality clash. The economy will stew in crisis if a common ground isn’t reached to secure critical reliefs it urgently needs. Prior to Sonko’s sacking, talks with the IMF were scheduled to resume early June, with hopes to reach an agreement by June ending. The rift in government has obviously complicated such chances and will hold the economy in thrall for much longer. Bottom line: ordinary citizens of Senegal will bear the brunt.

In African politics, Nigeria not being an exception, godfatherism never works. The protégé always seek to come into their own once they lay hold on power, and the godfather always return to exact the service tax. That is the reason people (i.e. voters), not godfathers, should form the power base. Faye now knows better.