Stump troopers
By statutory timelines
spelt out for the 2019 general election by the Independent National Electoral
Commission (INEC), the lid is formally off stumping by the political class towards
the forthcoming poll. Campaigns for presidential and national assembly
elections slated for February 16th got off the starting blocks on
November 18th, while December 1st is the official
flag-off of campaigns for governorship and state assembly elections coming up
on March 2nd.
At this point of our
election cycle, there is no prize for projecting that focused governance in the
remaining days of the present republic will almost certainly take the back
seat. Politicians will much of the time henceforth stay off their official
duties and hunker down in respective constituency, soliciting votes from the
electorate for their next turn in desired offices. Just take a look in your
constituency, you will notice presences that were distant echoes in power
centres until lately, now back to commingle with the base. And that is nothing
peculiar to Nigeria really, but rather a trait of all electoral democracies.
Already, the routine
operations of the National Assembly (NASS) may have fallen through under this
syndrome. Both chambers of the legislature hung up their plenary sessions for a
week last Tuesday: the Senate because it could not form a quorum, which is
prescribed by law at one-third of its 109 members, with barely 20 senators in
attendance for the day; and the House of Representatives ostensibly because of
faulty public address system in the green chamber, but in reality with only a
handful of its 360 members in attendance at the plenary. Not that the Senate
itself did not dissemble members’ poor attendance, as Philip Aduda who moved
the motion for suspension of plenary said the chamber was “empty today because
the various committees are on oversight duties across the country to ensure the
budget is performing.” So much cover in oversight duties! With the whistle for
campaigns towards the legislative elections already blown, we’ll see if the two
chambers make their projection of getting back to plenary this week.
The upside to the season
is that it is as well the time when voters truly hold the ace in the election
cycle, preparatory to voting. As politicians come around to remote
constituencies – some of them the first time after four years – to canvass
votes for another term in elective offices, it is time for voters to demand
strict account for what they did with the last mandate they got and what will
be done differently if the stewardship rendered is not satisfactory. Just so to
be clear, it should not be time for demands (by voters) or offers (by
politicians) of momentary pecuniaries, but rather a time for gruelling
interrogation of the performance of the social contract. If a politician had
promised his constituents a particular project, as a result of which he was
given the last mandate, it is time for reality check whether he delivered as
promised; and if not, whether he deserves another chance or to be replaced by
someone else with a better promise of delivering. The whole point of true
electoral democracy is that while politicians may have their way for good or
ill over four years, or whatever may be the duration of a tenure in diverse
contexts, they will always come back at the turn of another cycle for voters to
have their say and ultimately determine their fate. Using this prerogative
reasonably and uncompromisedly is where voter power lies.
‘The whole point of
electoral democracy is that while politicians may have their way for good or
ill over four years…they will always come back at the turn of another cycle for
voters to have their say’
If the electoral
commission does its work right as expected and all other stakeholders,
especially politicians, play by the rules, the impending elections should be
events the voting public can look forward to with reasoning anticipation and
magisterial reserve, not with trepidation. In other words, if we do the right
things during this campaign season and stay off stoking base sentiments that
typically fuels violence, the 2019 poll should show forth unimpaired expression
of the will of voters; and politicians will be beneficiaries, coming off with
legitimate mandates.
But there is a
persisting threat to the impending poll, namely funding. It is long past the
time the tangle between the Presidency and NASS over this critical issue got
straightened out. The legislature has been rigidly self-interested in its
approach to sourcing the funds for the election budget; and now with the exigency
of time before the poll, it may have forced a Hobson’s choice on the Presidency.
The two chambers of the
legislature two weeks ago approved supplementary appropriation of N242.2billion
for INEC and security agencies towards the elections, as requested by President
Muhammadu Buhari. Only there is a catch: they vired the money from the Service
Wide Vote of the Presidency and from 2018 appropriations of 30 ministries,
departments and agencies (MDAs) rather than from projects injected by them into
the 2018 Appropriation Act.
Buhari had in a letter
to NASS in July requested funds to be reallocated from N578billion worth of
projects the lawmakers injected in the 2018 budget before sending it in for presidential
assent, which the president only reluctantly gave because of the passage of
time and with apparent expectation that some money would subsequently be
redirected from those projects to fund the election budget. But the legislature
rather dug in on those controversial projects and applied the knife on the
signature Social Intervention Programme (SIP) of the Buhari administration,
initially taking the N242.2billion in whole from that welfarist programme. And
two weeks ago, both chambers of NASS rejigged their appropriation, taking half
of the required funds from the SIP and the remaining half from the 2018 budgets
of 30 MDAs. Among others, Power ministry is to contribute the lion’s share at
N25.5billion; Water Resources, N12.9billion; Agriculture, N11.05billion;
Education, N10.2billion; Budget and National Planning, N8.8billion; and Health,
N8.05billion.
The Senate subsequently explained
that it acted after due consultation with the executive arm of government. “The
Senate (had) approved a report which stipulated that the supplementary funding
for INEC and security agencies…be sourced from the Service Wide Vote of the executive
through virement. However, the executive came up with a counter-proposal that
the election be funded through both the Service Wide Vote and the budgets of 30
MDAs on pro rata basis,” chairman of the chamber’s Committee on Banking,
Insurance and Other Financial Institutions, Rafiu Ibrahim, said in a statement.
With less than 90 days
left to the schedule of elections, there are few options available to the
Buhari government to secure needed funding for the poll if it rejects the
appropriation lately passed by the legislature. Indeed, every delay now in finalising
a deal gravely hazards the elections as scheduled. That may just be the price
to pay for the odd relations all along between the executive and legislative
arms of government.
But we must also
question the rationale behind the legislators insulating spurious projects in
the 2018 Appropriation Act while taking out from programmes and ministries that
impact directly on masses of Nigerians. Besides the SIP that is welfarist, even
if tokenly so, existing infrastructures by the Power ministry are astoundingly
fitful. So also are Education for which resource allocation has been
notoriously inadequate, with university teachers currently on strike owing to
funding issues; and the Health sector where hospitals are little better than
consulting morgues. We need to call the legislators to account on whose
interest they serve, and there is perhaps no better time than this campaign
season when they come around to the constituencies to solicit votes.
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