Poll shift: echoes from history
Elections are about the
most complex and intricately woven multi-faceted but concerted venture that
could be undertaken by highly fallible humans. What people get to see as
polling day proceedings are a tidy convergence of multiple strands of
assignments that had been worked into a schedule motif by sundry players in the
poll project – most especially the election management body, which is the lead
player and anchor of the project. When any single strand of those lines of
responsibilities falls short on expectation, however, the election project gets
endangered to the extent of the centrality of that particular activity to the
whole project.
This scenario is all the
more complicated in our clime where elections are like an all-out war that
takes no hostages. Owing to avowed security dictates, scheduled days of
election are effectively ‘paralysis days’ as pertains to all other human
engagements. In other words, no other serious activity ever gets fixed for days
that Nigerian elections are billed to hold.
Besides, our laws
prescribe eligibility for voting only in specific polling units where people
got registered for the civic duty. Hence, people who for whatever reason got
registered outside where they are normally resident must travel back ahead of
polling days if they desire to exercise their franchise. Because schools and
other public places are used for polling activities, these establishments are
also sent on ad hoc holidays ahead of the polling day. And so, when there is a
sudden shift in those scheduled dates, there is profound paralysis and waste in
quantitative as well as qualitative terms for all stakeholders in the election
project.
It was no less the
effect last Saturday when the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC),
at the last minute, pulled by a week elections that it had fixed for a few
hours hence. The national (i.e. Presidential and National Assembly) elections
was moved from 16th February to 23rd February, and
proportionately the state (i.e. Governorship and State Houses of Assembly) as
well as Federal Capital Territory council polls that were earlier slated for 2nd
March got shifted to 9th March. In calling that postponement, the
electoral commission cited “a careful review of the implementation of its
logistics and operational plan, and the determination to conduct free, fair,
and credible elections,” which led it to “the conclusion that proceeding with
the elections as scheduled is no longer feasible.” It stated that the
postponement, however, “will afford the commission the opportunity to address
identified challenges in order to maintain the quality of our elections.”
Nigerians were in rare
unison outraged over that call by the electoral commission – and justifiably
so. So much had been invested in time and materials by stakeholders to make
ready for participation in the poll, especially the national elections widely
projected as crucial to future of this country. Businesses had in advance
called off their operations for Saturday, and not a few had before that day
travelled out to their voting bases – outside of their normal ports of
residence. Foreign observers had arrived in the country, and along with
domestic counterparts had deployed to locations where they purposed to play their
intended role. Security personnel for the election had fanned out to grassroots
locations, only a short stop from polling units where they were to report early
on election day. INEC itself had for most part deployed ad hoc personnel and
materials – sensitive and insensitive – to registration area camps, which are
the ward level stopover points from where they mobilise at dawn on election day
to polling units. That, of course, isn’t mentioning the global attention on the
country occasioned by the proposed poll.
‘It was the loss of manoeuvring room that (INEC) apparently
faced up to when it pulled the brakes at dawn on Saturday’
Under such circumstance,
the challenges sufficient to warrant the electoral body throwing in the
spanners at the last minute must have been profoundly threatening to the
success of the poll. What many, from the reactions, found more exasperating was
that the commission didn’t come to a realisation of its unreadiness until so
close to when polling units were billed to open for the national elections.
There is no easy
explanation for institutional failings that necessitate shifting long-projected
election schedules at the last minute, with the huge losses in invested costs
for all stakeholders involved. But I was present where similar harsh reality
faced the commission in the past, and I know how profoundly reluctantly such a
decision crystalises. It is typically a last ditch trade-off to safeguard the
impending poll against gross integrity deficiency. With the unpalatable reality
on hand, the next focus for all should be to rally after the electoral body in
remedying the threats to poll integrity.
Last Saturday’s poll
postponement was much like the poll shift compelled by logistical challenges
that confronted the former electoral commission led by Professor Attahiru Jega in
2011; and that indeed is more so than the six-week shift dictated by security
warrant in 2015 to which this latest incident was widely likened in reports at
the weekend. In the 2011 instance, the NASS elections were originally fixed for
02nd April, the Presidential poll for 09th April and the
Governorship and State Assembly poll for 16th April. But the NASS
poll had to be stepped down mid-stream on 02nd April and deferred by
a week, which then necessitated proportional shifts in the other two elections.
The postponement in 2011
was necessitated by a supplier’s failure to deliver security-coded result
sheets on schedule. The Jega-led commission, which was relatively new in office
at that time, had introduced many reforms to thwart historical abuses of our
electoral process by political gladiators. One of those reforms was the
customisation of result sheets to polling centres, such that extraneous result
sheets could no longer be imported to polling units to declare fake results, as
was the case until then. The commission at the time would not compromise on
this reform, and when a supplier did not deliver some consignments of the
result sheets up till the last minute, it pulled the breaks on the poll and
eventually rescheduled by a week. But it compensated for that tough call by
turning the tide of the historical rot in the Nigerian electoral process.
The present commission
led by Professor Mahmood Yakubu cited failings in the “implementation of
(INEC’s) logistics and operational plan” in postponing the election last
Saturday. The electoral body didn’t make the call earlier, perhaps, because conducting
elections is like steering a speed train: the momentum begins sluggishly and
builds up gradually until it hits cruising speed. When in full throttle, it would
be irresponsible to eagerly apply the brakes unless the driver loses the last
shred of hope for manoeuvring. It was the loss of manoeuvring room that the
commission apparently faced up to when it pulled the brakes at dawn on
Saturday.
But INEC now has the
historical burden to compensate for that grim recourse; and it could well begin
with being more forthcoming with stakeholders on its challenges. For instance,
the commission until lately gave repeated assurances of high percentile
compliance with its logistical and operational designs. The sudden postponement
of poll last Saturday, unfortunately, did not bear out those assurances. Even
then, the desperation that characterises our electoral environment isn’t much
help, because recent incidents of random incineration of electoral materials in
some INEC offices across the country may have contributed to undermining the
operational readiness of the electoral body. Still, the commission will need to
identify defaulting role players within and outside its fold for due penalty
over the schedule fiasco.
The redeeming factor in
this whole challenge will be INEC delivering resoundingly successful elections
on the new dates that have been scheduled. That is some bright spot for all to
look forward to.
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